Politics Behind Narco Trade Near Jordan’s Border

 

Photo source: Al Jazeera

By Naveed Qazi | Editor, Globe Upfront

Jordan has recently intensified its warnings against Iranian militias along its northern frontier, accusing Tehran of facilitating drug trafficking through drones and other methods. Officials in Amman argue that Iranian‑affiliated groups have expanded their influence in southern Syria, shifting the balance of power in the area. Al Jazeera reported that Jordanian authorities see narcotics smuggling as not only a criminal enterprise but also a geopolitical weapon, with militias using the trade to fund operations.

These warnings are not new. Since Tehran intervened in the Syrian war in 2014 to support President Bashar al‑Assad, Jordan has been wary of being drawn into the conflict. By late 2021, drug smuggling had escalated and become increasingly violent. In January 2022, a Jordanian army officer was killed and three personnel injured when smugglers opened fire on an outpost along the border, according to Reuters.

The situation prompted Jordan’s military leadership to adopt harsher tactics. In January 2021, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff ordered a change in the rules of engagement, introducing what The Jordan Times described as a ‘shoot to kill policy’ against smugglers. Shortly afterwards, the army announced that it had killed twenty‑seven smugglers and seized 17,348 sheets of hashish and more than sixteen million narcotic pills. BasNews later confirmed that Jordanian forces continued to apply this policy, killing four smugglers in June 2025.

Jordanian officials said they had contacted Syrian counterparts for explanations but received no response. At one point, Jordanian forces reported that dead smugglers were found wearing Syrian army uniforms. Analysts writing in The Washington Post suggested that members of Assad’s 4th Armoured Division, commanded by his brother Maher, were implicated in the trade. The Media Line added in 2025 that remnants of the division were linked to organised crime rings, even as Syrian authorities occasionally intercepted smuggling attempts themselves.

The Jordan–Syria border stretches 375 kilometres across rugged terrain from the Golan Heights to the Iraqi frontier, making it difficult to police. In one eastern pocket outside government control, the commander of the US‑backed opposition group Jaysh Maghawir al‑Thawra told Middle East Eye that his area, which includes the Rukhban camp, is surrounded by Iranian militias aiming to depopulate it. He argued that Jordan is seen by these groups as the main transit point to the Gulf for Captagon, a cheap amphetamine produced in Syria.

The Centre for Operational Analysis and Research estimated that Captagon exports from Syria reached a market value of at least $3.46 billion in 2020. The Financial Times described Jordan as a ‘transit country for smugglers’, with most narcotics passing through to Saudi Arabia, where demand is high. FDD’s Long War Journal reported in June 2024 that Jordanian authorities seized 9.5 million Captagon pills in one operation, implicating Hezbollah and Iran‑backed militias as masterminds. Hezbollah has denied involvement, but The Guardian and The New York Times have linked the group to narcotics operations in Syria and Lebanon.

Beyond security concerns, stability in southern Syria is vital for Jordan’s economy, which has struggled for years. World Bank data shows sluggish GDP growth since 2009, while The New Arab highlighted in 2022 that Jordan hosts more than 1.2 million Syrians, costing its treasury over one billion dollars annually. Mamdouh al‑Abadi, former deputy prime minister, told Al‑Arabiya that good neighbourly agreements have kept Jordan safe, noting that no Iranian bombing has occurred on Jordanian soil. Since 2018, Amman has sought to upgrade diplomatic ties with Damascus, hoping to reopen the Nasib‑Jaber crossing, a key trade route. The crossing was partially reopened in 2018 but closed again in 2021 due to renewed clashes.

Historically, southern Syria has been closely linked to northern Jordan, both once part of the Ottoman province of Hauran. British and French imperial borders divided families and tribes, but ties remained strong. Early in the Syrian war, Hauranis crossed into Jordan to shelter with relatives. These connections fostered trade links, with southern Syria and northern Jordan economically dependent on each other. Syria provides Jordan with access to the Mediterranean and overland routes to Europe, while Jordan offers Syria access to the Red Sea and Gulf markets.

Despite cultural and economic closeness, political differences have long caused tensions. Christopher Philips wrote in Middle East Eye that since 1963 Syria has been ruled by Baathist autocrats hostile to the West, in contrast to Jordan’s pro‑Western Hashemite monarchy. During the Cold War, they backed opposing blocs. In 1970, Syria briefly invaded Jordan in support of Palestinian guerrillas fighting the Hashemites. A decade later, Jordan supported Muslim Brotherhood militants against the Syrian regime. Yet there were also phases of cooperation: both fought Israel in 1967 and 1973. Relations soured in the 1980s when they supported opposite sides in the Iran‑Iraq War, but warmed in the 1990s during the Arab‑Israeli peace process.

Ties deteriorated again in the mid‑2000s when Jordan aligned with US efforts to isolate Syria after the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri, but improved when that isolation failed. Analysts in The Guardian note that Jordan’s pragmatic diplomacy often shifts with regional currents. The current round of friendship, marked by attempts to reopen trade routes, may collapse into enmity if another crisis pits Amman and Damascus against each other. Yet history suggests such hostilities eventually subside, reflecting the cyclical nature of Jordan–Syria relations.

Jordan’s accusations against Iranian militias highlight the intersection of security, economics and geopolitics. The drug trade has become a multi‑billion‑dollar industry funding militias and destabilising borders. Amman’s adoption of harsher military tactics reflects the seriousness of the threat. At the same time, Jordan’s economy depends on cross‑border stability, making cooperation with Damascus essential. The challenge for Jordan is balancing its security concerns with its economic needs, while navigating the influence of Iran, Hezbollah and the Syrian regime. As Reuters concluded, Jordan’s frontier has become a testing ground for regional rivalries, where narcotics, militias and geopolitics converge.