War in Syria
By Naveed Qazi | Editor, Globe Upfront
SYRIA’S WAR HAS BEEN ONE OF the most destructive conflicts of the twenty-first century. By 2013, the Assad regime was already regaining ground in Latakia against rebels, but it was not until September 2015 that Russia formally launched its air campaign in Syria. As BBC News reported, Moscow’s intervention marked a turning point, enabling Assad’s forces to recapture rebel-held areas with Russian air power and military support.
The Syrian army, supported by Hezbollah and Iranian-backed militias, pushed northwards towards the Turkish border, raising tensions with Ankara.
As Reuters reported, the Russian Foreign Ministry in February 2016 insisted it had “not received convincing evidence of civilian deaths” from its strikes. Humanitarian organisations, monitoring groups, and journalists, however, documented numerous incidents involving civilian casualties. Al Jazeera journalist Ibrahim al-Omar was killed in July 2016 while reporting in Idlib Province; Al Jazeera stated that he died in a suspected Russian airstrike.
Three actors—the Kurds, Assad’s loyalists, and Turkey—were central to the war’s shifting dynamics. The United States combined military involvement with diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving a political settlement, but its influence waned as Russia expanded its role in the conflict. Following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the deterioration of relations between Moscow and Western governments, some commentators described Syria as part of a broader geopolitical rivalry between Russia and NATO powers.
Turkey meanwhile feared direct confrontation with Moscow over developments in Aleppo and Latakia. Many other reporters from Al Jazeera narrowly survived suspected Russian airstrikes in Idlib while covering civilian casualties, underscoring the dangers of Moscow’s campaign.
As a country, Turkey’s role was controversial. Some analysts argued that Ankara’s early border policies and prioritisation of containing Kurdish armed groups created conditions from which ISIS indirectly benefited, a claim consistently rejected by Turkish authorities.
The siege of Kobani in 2014–15, described by PBS Frontline and CNN’s Ben Wedeman, saw ISIS capture numerous surrounding villages, commit serious abuses against civilians, and force large-scale displacement. The Kurdish YPG, with US air support, eventually recaptured the city, but much of it was destroyed, as BBC correspondents confirmed.
Syria’s Kurdish population, estimated at between two and three million people before the war, sought autonomy in a region many Kurdish activists call “Rojava”. They divided their territory into three cantons, promoting secularism and gender equality. The Democratic Union Party (PYD) and its armed wing, the YPG, ran local administrations, broadcasting Kurdish cultural programmes on television and radio. Schools and salaries remained funded by Damascus, but Kurdish militias controlled daily life. Scholars such as Vittoria Federici in The Rise of Rojava noted that the Syrian army’s partial withdrawal in 2012 allowed Kurdish militias to consolidate control.
ISIS retaliated with car bombs and suicide attacks, destabilising Rojava. Yet the Kurds took pride in their secular institutions and egalitarian ethos. Russia later expanded its presence around Qamishli as part of broader efforts to strengthen its influence in northeastern Syria. Russia also participated in ceasefire negotiations and local reconciliation arrangements involving government and opposition forces. Christoph Reuter of Der Spiegel emphasised that Assad’s battlefield successes since 2015 were not due to his weakened army but to Russian air power, Hezbollah, and Iranian-backed militias from Iraq and Afghanistan.
The Kurds maintained relations with both the United States and Russia. With US air support, they fought Daesh while also engaging Moscow. Saudi Arabia joined the coalition against ISIS, aligning with Washington. This manoeuvring unsettled Ankara, where anti-Kurdish sentiment ran deep. Peace talks in Riyadh between the Syrian government and opposition excluded the Kurds, reflecting Turkish pressure. Journalists from The Guardian noted that Ankara regarded Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria as a major security concern, shaping its diplomatic stance.
Turkey, in 2016, as a strategic and security measure, demanded a no-fly zone from Jarabulus to Azaz, the same area the Kurds sought to seize from ISIS. Turkish officials argued the zone would protect civilians from Assad’s air force. The Kurds saw it as a pretext for Turkey to bomb YPG fighters. Ankara’s opposition to Kurdish separatism and autonomy movements was longstanding.
With time, Turkish artillery support in Aleppo and Latakia failed strategically, as Assad’s army and Hezbollah fighters held firm. By February 2016, Turkish armoured vehicles were entrenched along the border, building trenches and concrete walls, as Reuters correspondents observed.
Turkey also provided support to various anti-Damascus opposition factions, including groups that later became associated with Turkish-backed formations in northern Syria.
Christoph Reuter of Spiegel Online reported that Assad’s victories since 2015 were sustained by Russian air power and foreign militias rather than domestic strength. The United States, once focused on toppling Assad, shifted to dismantling ISIS. With 2,000 troops in eastern Syria working with the Syrian Democratic Forces, Washington lacked the diplomatic capacity to shape peace. Israel, on the other hand, used the conflict to intensify strikes against Iranian-linked targets, launching hundreds of airstrikes to prevent weapons transfers to Hezbollah. Reuters reported that Israel intensified strikes against what it described as Iranian-linked targets in Syria, while Syrian authorities reported civilian casualties in some incidents. Israeli operations periodically targeted military facilities and infrastructure in and around Damascus as part of efforts to limit Iran’s military presence in Syria.
Civilians withstood the worst of the conflict. In Jisr al-Shughur, one of the first battlegrounds, families sold homes and furniture to escape. Many fled with only what could fit on motorcycles or cars, as jets roared overhead. Medicines were transported through hostile territory from Damascus, and civil aviation remained under regime control. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights estimated that by 2018 more than 360,000 people had died, while later estimates placed the death toll above 500,000. Filippo Grandi, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, warned that renewed fighting in Idlib could trigger mass displacement, echoing concerns raised by UN News.
The Kurds’ exclusion from peace talks underscored their precarious position. Ankara viewed Kurdish autonomy along its southern border as a major security concern, and its opposition contributed to the exclusion of Kurdish representatives from some negotiations. The Kurds, however, continued to promote secularism and gender equality, distinguishing themselves from Islamist factions. Journalists such as Gayle Tzemach Lemmon, writing for the Council on Foreign Relations, highlighted the extraordinary role of Kurdish women fighters in resisting ISIS.
Ultimately, Syria’s war reflected the interplay of global powers. Russia sought to secure Assad’s regime and expand its influence in the Middle East at a time of heightened tensions with Western powers. Turkey manoeuvred to contain the Kurds while supporting rebels. The United States shifted focus to ISIS, abandoning broader ambitions. Israel struck Iranian targets, while Iran entrenched militias. The Kurds balanced between Washington and Moscow, seeking autonomy but facing hostility from Ankara. As Al Jazeera concluded, only a coherent peace process could stabilise Syria. Yet with fragmented opposition, entrenched foreign powers, and deep mistrust, peace remained elusive. The war weariness of Syrians was palpable, but the politics of the region continued to be shaped by external actors. Without compromise, Syria remained vulnerable to the influence of competing regional and international powers, with civilians continuing to pay the highest price.
SYRIA’S WAR HAS BEEN ONE OF the most destructive conflicts of the twenty-first century. By 2013, the Assad regime was already regaining ground in Latakia against rebels, but it was not until September 2015 that Russia formally launched its air campaign in Syria. As BBC News reported, Moscow’s intervention marked a turning point, enabling Assad’s forces to recapture rebel-held areas with Russian air power and military support.
The Syrian army, supported by Hezbollah and Iranian-backed militias, pushed northwards towards the Turkish border, raising tensions with Ankara.
As Reuters reported, the Russian Foreign Ministry in February 2016 insisted it had “not received convincing evidence of civilian deaths” from its strikes. Humanitarian organisations, monitoring groups, and journalists, however, documented numerous incidents involving civilian casualties. Al Jazeera journalist Ibrahim al-Omar was killed in July 2016 while reporting in Idlib Province; Al Jazeera stated that he died in a suspected Russian airstrike.
Three actors—the Kurds, Assad’s loyalists, and Turkey—were central to the war’s shifting dynamics. The United States combined military involvement with diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving a political settlement, but its influence waned as Russia expanded its role in the conflict. Following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the deterioration of relations between Moscow and Western governments, some commentators described Syria as part of a broader geopolitical rivalry between Russia and NATO powers.
Turkey meanwhile feared direct confrontation with Moscow over developments in Aleppo and Latakia. Many other reporters from Al Jazeera narrowly survived suspected Russian airstrikes in Idlib while covering civilian casualties, underscoring the dangers of Moscow’s campaign.
As a country, Turkey’s role was controversial. Some analysts argued that Ankara’s early border policies and prioritisation of containing Kurdish armed groups created conditions from which ISIS indirectly benefited, a claim consistently rejected by Turkish authorities.
The siege of Kobani in 2014–15, described by PBS Frontline and CNN’s Ben Wedeman, saw ISIS capture numerous surrounding villages, commit serious abuses against civilians, and force large-scale displacement. The Kurdish YPG, with US air support, eventually recaptured the city, but much of it was destroyed, as BBC correspondents confirmed.
Syria’s Kurdish population, estimated at between two and three million people before the war, sought autonomy in a region many Kurdish activists call “Rojava”. They divided their territory into three cantons, promoting secularism and gender equality. The Democratic Union Party (PYD) and its armed wing, the YPG, ran local administrations, broadcasting Kurdish cultural programmes on television and radio. Schools and salaries remained funded by Damascus, but Kurdish militias controlled daily life. Scholars such as Vittoria Federici in The Rise of Rojava noted that the Syrian army’s partial withdrawal in 2012 allowed Kurdish militias to consolidate control.
ISIS retaliated with car bombs and suicide attacks, destabilising Rojava. Yet the Kurds took pride in their secular institutions and egalitarian ethos. Russia later expanded its presence around Qamishli as part of broader efforts to strengthen its influence in northeastern Syria. Russia also participated in ceasefire negotiations and local reconciliation arrangements involving government and opposition forces. Christoph Reuter of Der Spiegel emphasised that Assad’s battlefield successes since 2015 were not due to his weakened army but to Russian air power, Hezbollah, and Iranian-backed militias from Iraq and Afghanistan.
The Kurds maintained relations with both the United States and Russia. With US air support, they fought Daesh while also engaging Moscow. Saudi Arabia joined the coalition against ISIS, aligning with Washington. This manoeuvring unsettled Ankara, where anti-Kurdish sentiment ran deep. Peace talks in Riyadh between the Syrian government and opposition excluded the Kurds, reflecting Turkish pressure. Journalists from The Guardian noted that Ankara regarded Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria as a major security concern, shaping its diplomatic stance.
Turkey, in 2016, as a strategic and security measure, demanded a no-fly zone from Jarabulus to Azaz, the same area the Kurds sought to seize from ISIS. Turkish officials argued the zone would protect civilians from Assad’s air force. The Kurds saw it as a pretext for Turkey to bomb YPG fighters. Ankara’s opposition to Kurdish separatism and autonomy movements was longstanding.
With time, Turkish artillery support in Aleppo and Latakia failed strategically, as Assad’s army and Hezbollah fighters held firm. By February 2016, Turkish armoured vehicles were entrenched along the border, building trenches and concrete walls, as Reuters correspondents observed.
Turkey also provided support to various anti-Damascus opposition factions, including groups that later became associated with Turkish-backed formations in northern Syria.
Christoph Reuter of Spiegel Online reported that Assad’s victories since 2015 were sustained by Russian air power and foreign militias rather than domestic strength. The United States, once focused on toppling Assad, shifted to dismantling ISIS. With 2,000 troops in eastern Syria working with the Syrian Democratic Forces, Washington lacked the diplomatic capacity to shape peace. Israel, on the other hand, used the conflict to intensify strikes against Iranian-linked targets, launching hundreds of airstrikes to prevent weapons transfers to Hezbollah. Reuters reported that Israel intensified strikes against what it described as Iranian-linked targets in Syria, while Syrian authorities reported civilian casualties in some incidents. Israeli operations periodically targeted military facilities and infrastructure in and around Damascus as part of efforts to limit Iran’s military presence in Syria.
Civilians withstood the worst of the conflict. In Jisr al-Shughur, one of the first battlegrounds, families sold homes and furniture to escape. Many fled with only what could fit on motorcycles or cars, as jets roared overhead. Medicines were transported through hostile territory from Damascus, and civil aviation remained under regime control. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights estimated that by 2018 more than 360,000 people had died, while later estimates placed the death toll above 500,000. Filippo Grandi, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, warned that renewed fighting in Idlib could trigger mass displacement, echoing concerns raised by UN News.
The Kurds’ exclusion from peace talks underscored their precarious position. Ankara viewed Kurdish autonomy along its southern border as a major security concern, and its opposition contributed to the exclusion of Kurdish representatives from some negotiations. The Kurds, however, continued to promote secularism and gender equality, distinguishing themselves from Islamist factions. Journalists such as Gayle Tzemach Lemmon, writing for the Council on Foreign Relations, highlighted the extraordinary role of Kurdish women fighters in resisting ISIS.
Ultimately, Syria’s war reflected the interplay of global powers. Russia sought to secure Assad’s regime and expand its influence in the Middle East at a time of heightened tensions with Western powers. Turkey manoeuvred to contain the Kurds while supporting rebels. The United States shifted focus to ISIS, abandoning broader ambitions. Israel struck Iranian targets, while Iran entrenched militias. The Kurds balanced between Washington and Moscow, seeking autonomy but facing hostility from Ankara. As Al Jazeera concluded, only a coherent peace process could stabilise Syria. Yet with fragmented opposition, entrenched foreign powers, and deep mistrust, peace remained elusive. The war weariness of Syrians was palpable, but the politics of the region continued to be shaped by external actors. Without compromise, Syria remained vulnerable to the influence of competing regional and international powers, with civilians continuing to pay the highest price.
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