In search of home

By Naveed Qazi | Editor, Globe Upfront

People who have been thrown out of their homes are living in harsh times: they have been made refugees from political calamities. 

Perhaps power‑hungry divisions in politics are reckonings of a new catastrophe. Dogmas have hardened into fanaticism, and the victims are ordinary families who have lost their homes, traditions, culture and the closeness of native soil. These perilous journeys require courage, hope and even luck to secure new opportunities and bread for wailing families. As The Guardian observed, ‘the refugee crisis is not only about numbers but about human dignity and survival.’

Since the beginning of 2014, fighting in Iraq’s Ramadi displaced about 2.8 million Iraqis, according to UN figures reported by BBC News. In 2013, about 40,000 South Sudanese were waiting to be transported from Sudan, where they lived in appalling conditions in Khartoum squatter camps. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimated that this operation required at least $20 million, highlighting the scale of logistical and financial challenges. The New York Times noted that ‘South Sudan’s independence did not end the suffering of its people, many of whom remain stranded in limbo.’

The UN World Food Programme reported in 2014 that there was not enough food to feed at least 30,000 displaced Iraqis for a month in Qamishli. Around three million people remained in hard‑to‑reach areas, including 242,000 in besieged zones without humanitarian access. Human Rights Watch emphasised that ‘starvation is being used as a weapon of war,’ underscoring the deliberate denial of aid.

Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan has grown from a town of tents into a bustling city hosting at least 81,000 Syrians, making it the ninth largest city in Jordan. Over 20,000 also live in the newer Azraq camp, while others struggle in urban areas with UN cash assistance. The Washington Post described Zaatari as ‘a city of exile, where children grow up knowing only displacement.’

Saudi Arabia deported 12,000 Somali migrants in 2014, a move criticised by Human Rights Watch. The International Organisation for Migration said Saudi Arabia planned to deport another 30,000 Somalis in its campaign against undocumented workers. Al Jazeera reported that ‘the deportations risk sending vulnerable people back into conflict zones.’

The dangers of migration are stark. At least 42 African migrants drowned off Yemen’s southern coast in 2014. The International Organisation for Migration estimated that 7,000 migrants died at sea in 2013 while seeking safe havens. Between 2,000 and 5,000 Africans perished crossing the Sinai Peninsula to Israel or the Gulf of Aden to Yemen. The Guardian wrote that ‘the Mediterranean has become the world’s deadliest border.’

Sectarian violence in the Central African Republic killed thousands in 2013. The UN evacuated nearly 100 Muslims from Bangui to Bambari, 300 kilometres from the capital. Reuters reported that ‘the exodus of Muslims from CAR is a sign of deepening sectarian division.’

In an attempt to reach Italy, about 170,000 migrants arrived by sea in 2014, while 3,500 perished during the journey. Italian coastguards and merchant ships rescued thousands from overcrowded boats near Libya. In April alone, 1,500 were picked up from five boats. Mediterranean deaths, especially in the Channel of Sicily, surpassed 2,000 that year. The Financial Times observed that ‘Europe’s southern shores have become the frontline of a humanitarian emergency.’

Italy and Greece struggled to cope with arrivals. Austria stopped accepting asylum requests to pressure other European nations, as asylum applications rose by 160 percent. The New York Times reported that Austria demanded a fixed quota scheme to share responsibility.

Around 3,000 migrants lived near the Eurotunnel between France and Britain in a makeshift camp known as ‘the jungle’, trying nightly to board trucks to reach the UK without permits. The Guardian described the camp as ‘a symbol of Europe’s failure to manage migration humanely.’

Turkey introduced strict measures to tackle the influx from Syria, citing fighting between Kurds and Daesh. Israel rejected calls to accept Syrian refugees. Social media erupted when the body of a young boy was found on a Turkish beach, a tragedy that BBC News said ‘shocked the world into recognising the human cost of the refugee crisis.’

Germany recorded at least 300,000 asylum seekers in 2015, becoming a leading destination due to its economic strength. Spain also pledged to do more. The Economist noted that ‘Germany’s openness contrasted with the reluctance of other EU states.’

Amnesty International argued that countries like Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan deliberately closed borders due to economic strain, pushing people back into conflict in violation of international obligations. Hungary expressed fears of becoming a minority nation amid the crisis. The Guardian reported that ‘Hungary’s rhetoric reflects deeper anxieties about identity and sovereignty.’

In June 2015, the EU agreed to relocate at least 40,000 refugees from Italy and Greece over two years, mostly Syrians and Iraqis. This replaced unpopular quotas. Overall, migration by land and sea jumped 149 percent. Reuters noted that ‘the EU’s relocation plan was a compromise, but implementation remained slow and contested.’

The refugee crisis reveals the intersection of war, poverty and political failure. From Ramadi to Khartoum, Zaatari to the Mediterranean, millions have been uprooted. Their plight exposes the inadequacy of international responses. Camps intended as temporary shelters have become permanent cities. Wealthier nations often resist responsibility, while poorer neighbours shoulder disproportionate burdens. Germany’s acceptance of hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers was praised as humanitarian, but it also fuelled political backlash domestically. Hungary’s fears of demographic change illustrate how migration challenges national identity as much as it strains resources.

The Mediterranean has become a graveyard, and the tragedy of the young Syrian boy found on a Turkish beach became a symbol of global indifference. Yet despite public outrage, policy responses remain piecemeal. The EU’s relocation plan was slow and contested, revealing the gap between rhetoric and action. Economic dimensions are equally important. Refugees are often portrayed as burdens, yet studies cited by Financial Times show that migrants contribute to growth when integrated effectively. Germany’s labour market absorbed many Syrians, while Spain argued for doing more to harness refugee potential. Conversely, deportations from Saudi Arabia highlight how economic campaigns against undocumented workers can worsen humanitarian crises.

The crisis also exposes the fragility of international law. The 1951 Refugee Convention obliges states to protect those fleeing persecution, yet Amnesty International has documented widespread violations, from border closures to forced returns. Political calculations often override legal commitments. Austria’s suspension of asylum requests in 2015 was intended to pressure other EU states, but it undermined the principle of shared responsibility.

At its core, displacement is about human dignity. Families uprooted from Ramadi, Khartoum or Bangui are not statistics but people deprived of home, culture and security. As The Washington Post wrote of Zaatari, ‘children are growing up knowing only exile.’ The long‑term consequences are profound: generations raised without stable education, healthcare or citizenship risk becoming permanently marginalised, fuelling cycles of poverty and instability.

The refugee crisis is therefore both humanitarian and political. It challenges the capacity of states, the solidarity of international institutions, and the conscience of societies. The Guardian concluded that ‘the refugee crisis is not a temporary emergency but a defining challenge of our age.’ Unless structural causes — war, poverty, persecution — are addressed alongside fairer burden‑sharing, the crisis will persist. Refugees will continue to risk their lives at sea, camps will swell into cities, and political divisions will deepen.