Militarism Will Rule Arabs

By Naveed Qazi | Editor, Globe Upfront

THREE MILITARY FIGURES HAVE EMERGED as significant actors in the politics of Libya, Egypt, and Lebanon. In Libya, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar commands the self-styled Libyan National Army and has positioned himself as one of the most influential figures in shaping the country's future. Reporting by Reuters and The Guardian has documented how Haftar's campaigns in Benghazi and Tripoli received support from foreign powers, including Russia and the United Arab Emirates, while his reliance on foreign fighters and mercenaries has drawn criticism from international organisations and human rights groups. Critics argue that his military dominance has weakened prospects for democratic governance, even as supporters portray him as a force for stability and order.

In Egypt, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi rose from general to president following the military's removal of Mohamed Morsi in 2013. Since assuming office, Sisi has consolidated power through the military establishment while presenting himself as a guarantor of stability amid regional turmoil. Reuters, Amnesty International, and other observers have documented restrictions on civil society, arrests of activists, limitations on political opposition, and tighter control over public discourse. Supporters credit his government with maintaining security and pursuing large infrastructure projects, while critics argue that political freedoms have been significantly curtailed.

Lebanon's former army commander Jean Qahwaji was periodically discussed as a potential presidential candidate, though his political influence never approached the level exercised by either Haftar or Sisi. His name nevertheless surfaced in debates about military influence in Lebanese politics. L'Orient Today reported that investigations into alleged illicit enrichment involving Qahwaji and other former security officials were ultimately affected by statutes of limitation, a development that reflected broader concerns about accountability within Lebanon's political and judicial systems.

The wider Arab region has long been shaped by military intervention in politics. Egypt's modern era of military rule began with the 1952 Free Officers coup that brought Gamal Abdel Nasser and his colleagues to power. In Libya, Muammar Gaddafi overthrew King Idris in 1969 and established a system that concentrated authority in the hands of the state and security apparatus. In Yemen, Ali Abdullah Saleh maintained power through a complex web of tribal alliances and patronage networks. Similarly, Houari Boumedienne in Algeria and Hafez al-Assad in Syria consolidated highly centralised political systems that restricted opposition and strengthened military influence over public life. These histories illustrate how military institutions have repeatedly shaped governance across the region, often limiting the development of democratic institutions.

Recent developments demonstrate that military rulers continue to be viewed by some segments of society as figures capable of imposing order during periods of instability. Yet the persistence of armed extremist organisations and unresolved political grievances means that stability remains fragile. In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood strongly opposed the military's removal of Morsi and continues to regard the event as a coup. Electoral participation has varied over time, reflecting a mixture of support, apathy, and political disillusionment. In Libya, Haftar has consistently portrayed himself as an opponent of political Islam and has promoted reconstruction and development projects in eastern Libya, although critics argue that military dominance continues to overshadow meaningful political reform.

Religious minorities often find themselves caught between competing political forces. In some countries, segments of Christian communities have viewed secular military rulers as a lesser threat than extremist Islamist movements that have targeted minority populations. However, such attitudes vary widely across societies and should not be treated as uniform. The rise of extremist organisations such as ISIS created profound insecurity for Christians, Yazidis, and other minority groups across Iraq and Syria, reinforcing fears about sectarian violence and political instability.

At the same time, accountability and reform remain pressing concerns throughout the region. Economic hardship, unemployment, corruption, and weak institutions continue to fuel public frustration. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and numerous international observers have repeatedly documented how authoritarian governments often suppress dissent while struggling to deliver durable political and economic reforms. Critics argue that long-term stability requires stronger institutions, greater transparency, and wider political participation rather than reliance on coercive state power alone.

The identification of dissenters remains a sensitive issue. Liberal reformers, civil society activists, journalists, and opposition figures have frequently challenged emergency laws and the expanding role of military institutions in civilian governance. Their resistance reflects a broader tension between authoritarian rule and demands for political freedom. Many of the uprisings associated with the Arab Spring were driven by frustration with corruption, repression, economic inequality, and the absence of meaningful democratic participation. Subsequent crackdowns resulted in arrests, imprisonment, and restrictions on political activity, drawing sustained criticism from international human rights organisations and global media outlets.

Authoritarianism has remained a dominant feature of governance across much of the Arab world for decades. The central question is whether military-led governments can provide lasting stability and economic development while also addressing demands for political inclusion and accountability. Some citizens view strong leadership and order as necessary responses to instability, while others contend that democratic institutions, however imperfect, remain essential for sustainable progress. Stability may generate optimism, but the balance between security and freedom remains one of the defining political challenges facing the region.

Extending this analysis, one sees how military figures continue to embody both promise and peril. Haftar's dependence on foreign support highlights the continuing fragility of Libyan sovereignty and state institutions. Sisi's consolidation of power illustrates how military leaders can entrench themselves politically while limiting independent civic space. Qahwaji's comparatively limited role in Lebanon demonstrates the constraints imposed by that country's sectarian political system, where military figures may wield influence but rarely dominate national politics outright.

The press has played a crucial role in documenting these developments. Reuters and The Guardian have reported extensively on Haftar's foreign backing and military campaigns. Reuters, Amnesty International, BBC reporting, and other observers have scrutinised Egypt's restrictions on dissent and political opposition. L'Orient Today has highlighted accountability challenges within Lebanon's political and security institutions. Human rights organisations have consistently warned about the dangers of unchecked military power, while international publications have documented the human consequences of repression and political conflict.

Ultimately, the persistence of military influence in the Arab world raises profound questions about the relationship between stability, security, and democratic governance. While some communities welcome the order imposed by powerful military institutions, others fear the erosion of civil liberties and the perpetuation of authoritarian rule. The region's future will depend on whether reformers, political leaders, and civil society organisations can strengthen accountability and representative institutions, or whether military dominance will continue to define political life. The historical record suggests that stability achieved through coercion alone is rarely permanent, making the search for accountable governance one of the most important challenges facing the contemporary Arab world.